Americans went as far in the opposite direction as the Japanese in theirs。Ameri-cans threw themselves into the war effort because this fight had been forced upon us。We had been attacked，therefore let the enemy beware。No spokesman，planning how he could reassure the rank and file of Americans，said of Pearl Harbor or of Bataan，“These were fully taken account of by us in our plans。”Our officials said instead，“The enemy asked for it。We will show them what we can do。”Americans gear all their living to a constantly challenging world-and are prepared to accept the challenge。Japanese reassurances are based rather on a way of life that is planned and charted beforehand and where the greatest comes from the unforeseen。
Another constant theme in Japanese conduct of the war was also revealing about Japanese life。They continually spoke of how“the eyes of the world were upon them。”Therefore they must show to the full the spirit of Japan。Americans landed on Guadalca-nal，and Japanese orders to troops were that now they were under direct observation“by the world”and should show what they were made of Japanese seamen were warned that in case they were torpedoed and the order given to abandon ship，they should man the lifeboats with the utmost decorum or“the world will laugh at you。The Americans will take movies of you and show them in New York。”It mattered what account with this point also was a concern deeply imbedded in Japanese culture。
The most famous question about Japanese attitudes concerned His Imperial Majes-ty，the Emperor。What was the hold of the Emperor on his subjects？Some American au-thorities pointed out that through all Japan's seven feudal centuries the Emperor was a shadowy figurehead。Every man's immediate loyalty was due to his lord，the daimyo，and，beyond that，to the military Generalissimo，the Shogun。Fealty to the Emperor was hardly an issue。He was kept secluded in an isolated court whose ceremonies and activi-ties were rigorously circumscribed by the Shogun's regulations。It was treason even for a great feudal lord to pay his respects to the Emperor，and for the people of Japan he hardly existed。Japan could only be understood by its history，these American analysts insisted；how could an Emperor who had been brought out from obscurity within the memory of still living people be the real rallying point of a conservative nation like Ja-pan？The Japanese publicists who again and again reiterated the undying hold of the Emperor upon his subjects were over-protesting，they said，and their insistence only proved the weakness of their case。There was no reason，therefore，that American policy during the war should draw on kid gloves in dealing with the Emperor。There was every reason rather why we should direct our strongest attacks against this evil Fuehrer concept that Japan had recently concocted。It was the very heart of its modern nationalistic Shin-to religion and if we undermined and challenged the sanctity of the Emperor，the whole structure of enemy Japan would fall in ruins。
Many capable Americans who knew Japan and who saw the reports from the front lines and from Japanese sources were of the opposite persuasion。Those who had lived in Japan well knew that nothing stung the Japanese people to bitterness and whipped up their morale like any depreciatory word against the Emperor or any outright attack on him。They did not believe that in attacking the Emperor we would in the eyes of the Jap-anese be attacking militarism。They had seen that reverence for the Emperor had been e-qually strong in those years after the First World War when“de-mok-ra-sie”was the great watchword and militarism was so discredited that army men prudently changed to mufti before they went out on the streets of Tokyo。The reverence of the Japanese for their Imperial chief could not be compared，these old Japanese residents insisted，with Heil-Hitler veneration which was a barometer of the fortunes of the Nazi party and bound up with all the evils of a fascist program。
Certainly the testimony of Japanese prisoners of war bore them out。Unlike Western soldiers，these prisoners had not been instructed about what to say and what to keep si-lent about when captured and their responses on all subjects were strikingly unregiment-ed。This failure to indoctrinate was of course due to Japan's no-surrender policy。It was not remedied until the last months of the war，and even then only in certain armies or lo-cal units。The prisoners'testimony was worth paying attention to for they represented a cross-section of opinion in the Japanese Army。They were not troops whose low morale had caused them to surrender-and who might therefore be atypical。All but a few were wounded and unconscious soldiers unable to resist when captured。
Japanese prisoners of war who were out-and-out bitter-enders imputed their extreme militarism to the Emperor and were“carrying out his will，”“setting his mind at rest，”“dying at the Emperor's command。”“The Emperor led the people into war and it was my duty to obey。”But those who rejected this present war and future Japanese plans of conquest just as regularly ascribed their peaceful persuasions to the Emperor。He was all things to all men。The war-weary spoke of him as“his peace-loving Majesty”；they in-sisted that he“had always been liberal and against the war。”“He had been deceived by Tojo。”“During the Manchurian Incident he showed that he was against the military。”“The war was started without the Emperor's knowledge or permission。The Emperor does not like war and would not have permitted his people to be dragged into it。The Emperor does not know how badly treated his soldiers are。”These were not statements like those of German prisoners of war who，however much they complained that Hitler had been betrayed by his generals or his high command，nevertheless ascribed war and the prepa-rations for war to Hitler as supreme inciter。The Japanese prisoner of war was quite ex-plicit that the reverence given the Imperial Household was separable from militarism and aggressive war policies。
The Emperor was to them，however，inseparable from Japan。“A Japan without the Emperor is not Japan。”“Japan without the Emperor cannot be imagined。”“The Japa-nese Emperor is the symbol of the Japanese people，the center of their religious lives。He is a super-religious object。”Nor would he be blamed for the defeat if Japan lost the war。“The people did not consider the Emperor responsible for the war。”“In the event of defeat the Cabinet and the military leaders would take the blame，not the Emperor。”“Even if Japan lost the war ten out of ten Japanese would still revere the Emperor。”
All this unanimity in reckoning the Emperor above criticism appeared phoney to A-mericans who are accustomed to exempt no human man from skeptical scrutiny and criti-cism。But there was no question that it was the voice of Japan even in defeat。Those most experienced in interrogating the prisoners gave it as their verdict that it was unnecessary to enter on each interview sheet：“Refuses to speak against the Emperor”；all prisoners re-fused，even those who co-operated with the Allies and broadcast for us to the Japanese troops。Out of all the collected interviews of prisoners of war，only three were even mildly anti-Emperor and only one went so far as to say：“It would be a mistake to leave the Em-peror on the throne。”A second said the Emperor was“a feeble-minded person，nothing more than a puppet。”And the third got no farther than supposing that the Emperor might abdicate in favor of his son and that if the monarchy were abolished young Japanese women would hope to get a freedom they envied in the women of America。
Japanese commanders，therefore，were playing on an all but unanimous Japanese veneration when they distributed cigarettes to the troops“from the Emperor，”or led them on his birthday in bowing three times to the east and shouting“Banzai”；when they chanted with all their troops morning and evening，“even though the unit was sub-jected to day and night bombardment，”the“sacred words”the Emperor himself had given to the armed forces in the Rescript for Soldiers and Sailors while“the sound of chanting echoed through the forest。”The militarists used the appeal of loyalty to the Emperor in every possible way。They called on their men to“fulfill the wishes of His Imperial Majesty，”to“dispel all the anxieties of your Emperor，”to“demonstrate your respect for His Imperial benevolence，”to“die for the Emperor。”But this obedience to his will could cut both ways。As many prisoners said，the Japanese“will fight unhesitat-ingly，even with nothing more than bamboo poles，if he so decreed”；“Japan would throw down arms tomorrow if the Emperor should issue such an order”；“Even the Kwa-ntung Army in Manchuria”-most militant and jingoistic-“would lay down their arms”；“only his words can make the Japanese people accept a defeat and be reconciled to live for reconstruction。”
This unconditional and unrestricted loyalty to the Emperor was conspicuously at odds with criticisms of all other persons and groups。Whether in Japanese newspapers and magazines or in war prisoners'testimony，there was criticism of the government and of military leaders。Prisoners of war were free with their denunciation of their local com-manders，especially those who had not shared the dangers and hardships of their sol-diers。They were especially critical of those who had evacuated by plane and left their troops behind to fight it out。Usually they praised some officers and bitterly criticized others；there was no sign that they lacked the will to discriminate the good from the bad in things Japanese。Even in the home islands newspapers and magazines criticized“the government。”They called for more leadership and greater co-ordination of effort and noted that they were not getting from the government what was necessary。They even criticized the restrictions on freedom of speech。A report on a panel of editors，former members of the Diet，and directors of Japan's totalitarian party，the Imperial Rule Assis-tance Association，printed in a Tokyo paper in July，1944，is a good example。One speaker said：“I think there are various ways to arouse the Japanese people but the most important one is freedom of speech。I these few years，the people have not been able to say frankly what they think。They have been afraid that they might be blamed if they spoke certain matters。They hesitated，and tried to patch up the surface，so the public mind has really become timid。We can never develop the total power of the people in this way。”Another speaker expanded the same theme：“I have held symposiums almost every night with the people of the electoral districts and asked them about many things，but they were all afraid to speak。Freedom of speech has been denied。This is certainly not a proper way to stimulate their will to fight。The people are so badly restricted by the so-called Special Penal Law of War Time and the National Security Law that they have become as timid as the people in the feudalistic period。Therefore the fighting power which could have been developed remains undeveloped now。”